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Illustration: Craig Stephens
Opinion
Christopher Tang
Christopher Tang

Hasty divorce from China not the right path to US economic resilience

  • A US House select committee report calling for higher tariffs on Chinese goods underlines the prevailing bipartisan mood in Washington
  • While it makes sense for the US to broaden its supply base beyond China, the disruptions in the Red Sea have shown that alternative locations must be chosen with care
On Capitol Hill, both Republicans and Democrats hold polarised views on domestic and foreign policy. But there is bipartisan support for punishing China for alleged unfair trade practices. This support was on full display in the report from the US House Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party released in December, calling for a new set of higher tariffs to be applied to Chinese imports.
In the name of national security, both political parties support the idea of “de-risking” from China by severing more economic ties. However, doing so at this juncture is laden with risk. The path to resilience lies not in a hasty divorce, but in a delicate dance, balancing the imperative to de-risk with the perilous consequences of complete disentanglement.
Firstly, let’s dispel the seductive but dangerous myth: India won’t be the new China, at least in the foreseeable future. While India’s vast, youthful population and ambitious economic rise raise its profile as a potential alternative manufacturing hub, the reality is far from a seamless substitution of China’s reliable and efficient supply chains.
India’s infrastructure lags behind, plagued by bureaucratic regulations, bottlenecks, and inadequate logistics networks. Productivity, the holy grail of efficient manufacturing, falls drastically short of China’s powerhouse performance.

A McKinsey Global Institute study found that, even in labour-intensive industries, Chinese worker productivity outstrips India’s by a significant 20-30 per cent. This translates to higher production costs and slower turnaround times, potentially negating the cost savings sought by shifting away from China.

Furthermore, relying on India or Vietnam, often touted as alternative manufacturing destinations, offers only a partial solution. Both heavily depend on imported parts from China.

For example, in 2021, Vietnam imported US$110 billion of goods from China and exported US$96 billion of goods to the US, suggesting that much of what Vietnam imports is intended for export to the US. As of June last year, Vietnam continued to rely on imported parts from China to produce electronic products for the US. This intricate interdependency exposes any “China-plus-one” strategy to the same vulnerabilities the US seeks to escape.

An employee works at a packaging factory in Vietnam’s Ho Chi Minh City on December 2, 2022. Photo: AFP
Beyond economic considerations, geopolitical realities cast a long shadow over the de-risking narrative. Recent Houthi attacks on ships in the Red Sea, a crucial artery for Indian exports to the US, highlight the inherent risks of alternative trade routes.

After experiencing attacks in the Red Sea in December, shipping giants such as Maersk and Hapag-Lloyd rerouted their container ships by suspending the quickest path between India and the US east coast through Egypt’s Suez Canal, and taking the longer Cape of Good Hope route around southern Africa.

Using this alternative route is safer, but it creates other supply chain disruptions. For instance, several European firms, including Sweden’s Ikea, have warned of delays on some products due to supply chain disruption.

This alternative route lengthens the shipping time between India and the US’ east coast by several days. The reduction in shipping capacity, which could be as much as 20 per cent, would increase the cost of shipping significantly. For example, French shipper CMA CGM increased its charges by US$500 for a 20ft container between Asia and Europe.

10:26

Yemen’s Houthi fighters behind Red Sea attacks threaten to disrupt global trade

Yemen’s Houthi fighters behind Red Sea attacks threaten to disrupt global trade

Amid the Israel-Gaza war, it is unclear when Houthi attacks in the Red Sea will end. In January, Maersk and Hapag-Lloyd both reported that they have not entered any agreements with Iranian-backed Houthi militants to prevent their ships from being attacked in the Red Sea.

However, a senior official of the Iranian-backed Houthi terrorist group said that the shipping lanes around Yemen are safe to ships from China and Russia, as long as the vessels are not connected with Israel.

Such disruptions, not to mention broader regional conflicts, can quickly unravel carefully constructed supply chains, exposing the importance of diversification. As such, severing ties completely with China is unwise, especially when the passage between China and the US over the Pacific Ocean has always been safe in the political sense.

Following the prolonged shortages of many products ranging from masks to chips during the Covid-19 pandemic, it has become crucial to fortify the resilience of supply chains. While it makes sense to broaden the supply base beyond China, it is essential to strike a delicate balance.
Diversification, not decoupling, is the watchword. US President Joe Biden said as much at the Apec CEO Summit, after his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping, in November.
Expanding production operations in Mexico by leveraging the US-Mexico-Canada Agreement is gaining momentum. At the same time, cultivating alternative suppliers in Southeast Asia, Latin America and even Africa, while simultaneously investing in domestic manufacturing capabilities, offers a more nuanced and sustainable approach. This path, though challenging, would reduce dependence on China without sacrificing the benefits of international trade.

Examples abound of successful diversification efforts. In 2022, Dell reportedly said it would move at least 20 per cent of its production of laptops to Vietnam. Apple was reportedly considering shifting 18 per cent of its global iPhone production to India.

For critical products, reshoring some production is sensible. Intel is building new semiconductor plants in Ohio and Arizona. Also, pharmaceutical giants like Pfizer and Merck are building new production facilities in the US, showcasing the potential for domestic reshoring. These incremental steps – coupled with measures to make the supply chain more robust, like stockpiling critical materials and developing alternative transport networks pave the way for a more resilient economic future.

Establishing a balanced trade relationship with China requires a keen awareness of the risks and opportunities. Diversifying its supply base can secure the US’ economic future while navigating the intricate geopolitical landscape of the 21st century.

Christopher Tang is a distinguished professor at the UCLA Anderson School of Management

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