For Indonesia’s Santri Muslims, a chance to bridge gap with China on Uygurs

China’s effort to provide scholarships to Santri students can be considered an attempt to legitimise its interests in Indonesia
But the Santri students should not only enjoy the scholarships – they need to pressure the Indonesian and Chinese governments to put an end to Uygur detentions

Muhammad Zulfikar RakhmatandHabib Pashya

Published: 10:00am, 9 Dec 2020

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On November 3, which Indonesia commemorates as Santri Day, a virtual seminar was held by the Indonesian Alumni Association in China with the Islamic Boarding School of Nurul Jadid in East Java province about the role that Santri Muslims have played in strengthening relations between Indonesia and China.

Santri, who practise a more orthodox version of Islam rather than the syncretic Javanese version that incorporates local customs, often study at traditional Islamic boarding schools. Their name, which roughly translates to “students”, was coined during the Dutch colonial era, and was used to differentiate Muslims of a more orthodox bent – the Santri – from those who do not follow Islamic teaching strictly and are more inclined to syncretic teachings – the so-called Abangan.

The virtual seminar was the latest example of the growing role the Santri play in China-Indonesia relations. It occurred as the Chinese government has started to offer scholarships to some Indonesian students, including Santri, to deepen their non-religious knowledge and technology skills through the “Santri for World Peace Goes to China” programme – which is jointly organised by Indonesia’s Ministries of Religion and Foreign Affairs.

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Yun Si, deputy director general of affairs at the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has stated he believes that “Santri can contribute positively to Indonesia’s future and play an active role in world peace and become leaders in the future”.

However, the soft-diplomacy approach taken by China through providing scholarships to Santri over the last three years can be considered an attempt to legitimise its interests in Indonesia and to maintain its global image, including when it comes to its treatment towards Uygurs in Xinjiang.

In 2019, The Wall Street Journal reported how China had funded visits by Indonesian religious leaders to show how its re-education centers in Xinjiang are a well-intended effort at providing Uygurs with job training. Beijing’s move of courting Santri students with scholarships seems to be part of its effort to get the world to see the Uygur issue from its perspective alone.

Beijing in 2019 began providing scholarships to Santri to visit the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region and allow them to see first-hand the lives of Muslims in the region. It also began parcelling out scholarships to the one of the largest Islamic organizations in Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), to allow for NU-affiliated students – many of them Santri – to pursue postgraduate degrees in China.

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Educational collaboration between Jakarta and Beijing has grown since the two countries signed a memorandum of understanding on higher education programmes in 2015, as well as two memorandums of understanding on scholarship programmes and mutual recognition in academic higher education qualifications in 2016.

China has also increased the presence of Confucius Institutes in various regions in Indonesia. In the last 10 years, six Confucius Institutes have been established in Indonesia.

Besides helping to strengthen ties between China and Indonesia, Santri can play a role in pressing the two governments regarding the Uygur issue.

On September 9, 2018, Human Rights Watch reported that there was violence perpetrated by the Chinese government against Uygur Muslims in the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region. The report states that although the Chinese government provides no public information on the number of detainees in the so-called re-education camps, around one million Uygurs have had to endure political indoctrination sessions for days, months, and even over a year.

Workers walk by the perimeter fence of what is officially known as a vocational skills education centre in Dabancheng in Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region in September 2018. Photo: Reuters

Moreover, there have been reports of deaths in the camps, raising concerns about physical and psychological abuse, as well as stress from poor conditions, overcrowding, and indefinite confinement. The detainees include those who have serious illnesses or elderly; there are also children in their teens, pregnant and breastfeeding women, and people with disabilities. Former detainees reported suicide attempts and harsh punishments for disobedience in the facilities.

The reports on detentions come on top of the Chinese government’s already existing prohibitions against freedom of expression and religion, which effectively dampen Uygur cultural activities.

The persecution of Uygur Muslims has also been acknowledged by world religious leaders. Just recently, and for the first time, Pope Francis express his concerns for Uygur Muslims, among others. “I think often of persecuted peoples: the Rohingya, the poor Uygurs, the Yazidi,” he said.

Santri in Indonesia have often organised protests in the country to protest China’s treatment of Uygurs in Xinjiang. The latest demonstration took place in January this year – an event organised by the Al Aqso Working Group in the city of Bandar Lampung. The coordinator of the group, Nurhadis told Gatra newspaper that the demonstration of thousands of Santri was aimed at calling on the Indonesian government to stand against China‘s actions in discriminating against Uygur Muslims.

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“We hope the Indonesian government will take a more firm stance to urge the Chinese government to be more open, and open up media access to information about Uygur Muslims, and most importantly China must eliminate discrimination against Muslim Uygur brothers,” Nurhadis was quoted as saying.

Nurhadis said that the current condition of Uygur Muslims was of great concern and that the actual situation was seemingly being covered up by the Chinese government.

However, Indonesia has not backed up these Santri voices, taking a hands-off approach to the issue. As stated by President Joko Widodo’s chief of staff, Moeldoko, “Every country has sovereignty to regulate its citizens. So the Indonesian government does not interfere in the affairs of the Chinese state in regulating the country.”

Nahdlatul Ulama – the Muslim organisation that has accepted scholarships on China’s behalf for NU-affiliated students including Santri – has not rejected Moeldoko’s argument outright. In fact, NU has stated that it supports the idea that there is no discrimination by the Chinese government against Uygur Muslims.

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NU has said that conditions in Xinjiang are not like what are often reported in international media. In July 2019, the chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama’s executive board, Said Aqil Siradj, was reported by CNN Indonesia as saying: “I have also been to Xinjiang, the mosque is very good. I also met my friend in Chengdu, where the congregation prayed at the mosque until they burst out of the yard. I also know the imam of the mosque.”

Said also said that there was no need for the Indonesian government to “go along with” a number of Western countries in raising accusations of ethnic Uygur persecution in international forums.

But the Santri students should not only enjoy scholarships given to them by Beijing as it attempts to reach out to Indonesia, they also need to work more to pressure the Indonesian and Chinese governments to put an end to the Uygur detentions. In fact, Santri, who understand the concept of brotherhood in Islam and how Muslims should take care of their fellow Muslims, need to speak out more about the conditions the Xinjiang Uygurs face.

First, even if they are recipients of Chinese government’s scholarships, they should not be bought by Beijing‘s narrative. They should utilise their time in China to learn the real conditions that the Uygurs face.

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Second, to date there have been no reports indicating that these Santri have ever talked to Beijing about the Uygur issue. The Santri could use their time in China, especially in their encounters with Chinese representatives, to inquire about the Uygur cause.

They could also write open letters to the government in Beijing to end their discrimination towards Uygurs and to the Indonesian government to pressure their Chinese counterparts. They can also do so to Santri who are now studying all over the world and to relevant NGOs.

Back home, as an educated segment of the society, these Santri can also fill newspapers throughout Indonesia with their writings about the Xinjiang Uygurs. They can also organise public talks and conferences to raise awareness about the situation the Xinjiang Uygurs are facing to counter some narratives that say that discrimination against Uygurs does not exist.

Having undergone Islamic education, the Santri usually receive a higher level of trust from Muslim Indonesians, especially in leading prayers and giving sermons. Such platforms can also be used by these Santri to speak up about the Uygurs.

Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat is an academic at Universitas Islam Indonesia.

Habib Pashya is a student at Universitas Islam Indonesia.