Why a stronger Xi Jinping is taking a gentler approach in China’s foreign affairs
From THAAD to Singapore and the South China Sea, a series of abrupt changes of course may appear unconnected, but taken together suggest Beijing is recalibrating to a confident, more magnanimous style
In this context, it is interesting to see that, contrary to popular expectations, after securing a stronger mandate at the conference, Xi appears to have adopted a more conciliatory approach to foreign policy.
Those positive developments are in sharp contrast to China’s foreign policy quandary over the past year or so.
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While all those are true and significant, China’s claims of rising global leadership have been tempered by tensions with a variety of key regional players in Asia over the past two years.
South Korea’s decision to deploy the US anti-missile system, the Terminal High Altitude Area Defence or THAAD, has seen the once warm relations between Beijing and Seoul plunge to a record low with trade, investment, and tourism seriously affected.
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Earlier this year, China and India were involved in a months-long military stand-off at a strategically important disputed area in the Himalayas, which caused great international concern. Political relations between Beijing and Tokyo have remained as icy as ever.
Meanwhile, the Chinese propaganda machine has fanned a new round of nationalistic fervour against those countries. Such tactics do not reflect well on China’s international image; analysts say China sometimes acts like a giant with a complex – either a superiority or inferiority one, depending on whom one asks.
The first seemingly abrupt change occurred in late August when China and India suddenly ended their military stand-off after months of their soldiers staring at one another face to face on a small stretch of land. Both countries have claimed victories from the withdrawal.
The second abrupt change occurred in September when Beijing gave an unusually warm reception to the unheralded visit of the Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong. Lee’s visit came after months of unease in which Singapore, which is not a claimant in the disputed South China Sea, was seen leading efforts to urge China to accept the UN ruling that sided with Manila over Beijing – a ruling Beijing said was invalid and illegal.
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The warming in China’s relations with Vietnam was also sudden. After nearly two years of unease over the South China Sea, in which Vietnam is a key claimant, Xi’s visit last week signalled an unusual warmth in relations between the two countries.
Both Xi and Vietnamese counterpart Nguyen Phu Trong have pledged to resolve the South China Sea issue through peaceful means and bilateral consultations.
Xinhua started once more to describe the bilateral ties as “special bond of camaraderie and brotherhood”, a term rarely used in the past few years. A flurry of agreements signed in Xi’s presence seem to suggest that both countries now place more value on trade and investment, as exemplified by Xi’s visit to the inauguration and the handover ceremony of the Vietnam-China Friendship Palace, a project funded and built by China that has an area of 13,800 square metres.
A rapid recovery in bilateral ties is greatly anticipated as both sides are working to have Moon make an official visit to Beijing soon.
Taken individually, the direct reasons for these abrupt changes may vary. In the case of India, China agreed to end the stand-off just days before Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was to travel to China for a summit of the BRICS countries – India, China, Russia, Brazil and South Africa, while the abrupt change in regards to South Korea may have something to do with Trump’s marathon Asia visit.
But when combined together, these developments suggest a new approach to China’s foreign relations. They reflect a more confident tone but project a softening of the touch, a more magnanimous approach. This should help smooth China’s way to becoming a leader – in Asia and the world beyond. ■
Wang Xiangwei is the former editor-in-chief of the South China Morning Post. He is now based in Beijing as editorial adviser to the paper