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Rupert Hogg has resigned as chief executive of Cathay Pacific. Photo: Winson Wong
Opinion
Then & Now
by Jason Wordie
Then & Now
by Jason Wordie

Critical political commentary is flourishing in Hong Kong, but it is not without risk

The two instances when China opened itself up to criticism were swiftly followed by a crackdown on critics who stepped forward, something Hong Kong needs to be wary of

As Hong Kong’s summer of dis­content trudges on, certain unexpected themes have emerged. Probably the most unusual is newly rediscovered critical comment. Refreshing levels of editorial frankness in various publications – unseen even six months ago – are now commonplace. Let’s face it, for several years, many local political commentators, radio and tele­vision broad­casters and print journalists have fallen over backwards to accommo­date unseen editorial “red lines” regarding official criti­cism.

No names are necessary; the general public, who followed various journalists and their work over time, can readily discern this sudden shift. Equally, the resounding public silence from usually oh-so-reliable pro-Beijing cheerleaders has been starkly obvious in recent months. Without clear direction, they have little to say.

Historical analogies – and a fearful warning – exist between Hong Kong’s recent explosion of brutally frank, mostly fair, constructively critical public com­ment­ary and a similar outpouring that the Communist Party encouraged in late 1956. This campaign was partially initiated in response to growing unrest among China’s intellectuals and the urban bourgeoisie. These groups had initially supported the Communist assumption of power in 1949 – whatever their reservations – as they reasoned that nothing that followed could have been much worse than the rampant corruption, adminis­trative inefficiency and overall societal decline that character­ised the collapse of the Nationalist govern­ment in 1947-48.

“Let a hundred flowers blossom, let a hundred schools of thought contend!” proclaimed Mao Zedong poetically, as the campaign kicked off. Open discussion of the party’s shortcomings and honest pub­lic exploration of possible improve­ments could only lead to the general betterment for society, and political regeneration for the regime, after the initial challenges of estab­lishing overall power had been achieved. Or so the public were led to believe.

An anti-rightist event following China’s “Hundred Flowers Campaign”.

By the summer of 1957, the “Hundred Flowers Campaign” was getting out of hand, as wide-ranging criticism acceler­ated all over China. Party leaders became alarmed when they could no longer control the narrative, especially when the emerging story was not one that suited their pur­poses. And so they backtracked, cracking down hard on those they had previously encouraged to speak up.

Having popped their heads so obviously above the political parapet for several months, it was an easy matter to identify regime critics – now labelled “rightists”, “counter-revolutionaries” and all those other epithets common to the communist repertoire of insults – and persecute them and their family members.

Vicious and broad-ranging, the anti-rightist campaign that followed, from 1957 to 1959, marked the effective end, for nearly 30 years, of political debate in China. It was only in the late 1980s that public discussion of the party’s short­comings and the growing need for politi­cal reform was permitted and – for a while – encouraged. That particular movement ended tragically – as the world remembers – on June 4, 1989, in Tiananmen Square.

As history bitterly proved, the “Hundred Flowers Campaign” was a deeply cynical move on the part of the Communist Party to lure potential opponents of the regime into the open. Once identified, the state could isolate and then crush them, one by one.

Are we seeing the beginning of some­thing similar in Hong Kong? Major corpo­rate entities are an obvious target – Cathay Pacific has led the way, with recent grovel­ling reversals from senior management on free speech. But with enormous corporate exposure to China, what realistic alter­native do they have? Other flagship Hong Kong businesses, as the word steadily comes down to “tremble and obey”, will surely follow suit.
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