Although today's youth are more educated than their seniors, they have fewer opportunities for economic advancement. Most of them are not satisfied with the performance of both the government and the main political parties. The emergence of the League of Social Democrats is a manifestation of their discontent. It is therefore vital for the next chief executive to instil faith and hope in our youth so that the whole community can move forward.

Second, he will need to remove or substantially reduce the suspicion of government-business collusion that has been plaguing the city's government since the handover. This suspicion is mainly caused by the privileged position the rich and powerful hold in the existing electoral arrangements, a problem that can only be addressed fully when we have universal suffrage. But the next chief executive can still do a lot to remedy the persistently negative perception through improving various aspects of the system, such as post-service retirement of principal officials and appointments to public bodies.

Third, he will need to restore the people's confidence in the expanded accountability system. His political appointees will have to demonstrate their worth or be held accountable, even to the point of resigning. The civil service system will also need to be reformed to improve the quality, efficiency and cost-effectiveness of public service.

Fourth, he will have to safeguard Hong Kong's freedoms guaranteed under the Basic Law. While the recent survey conducted by the University of Hong Kong's public opinion programme on the 10 subjective freedom indicators showed, for example, that the freedom of procession, freedom of speech and freedom of the press have continued to score high marks, there is no room for complacency.

For example, the latest July 1 procession was marred by complaints against police for allegedly delaying the march and by protesters making a scene at the central government offices. Also, the freedoms of speech and the press are continually subject to commercial pressures. The next chief executive will have to tackle whether we need a public broadcaster, something Donald Tsang Yam-kuen may not deal with in his term.

Fifth, he will have to safeguard our rule of law and judicial independence vigilantly. It is no secret that the central government holds a different view on the relationship between the executive and the judiciary. The chief justice, Andrew Li Kwok-nang, who has made a great contribution to Hong Kong's judicial independence, may retire in the next 10 years. The next chief executive must ensure that during his term our rule of law and judicial independence will not be eroded one iota.

Sixth, he will have to implement the detailed arrangements for the election by universal suffrage of the chief executive in 2017, as promised by the central government. He will probably have to stand in that election and win it by a comfortable margin to put the central government at ease.

Seventh, he will have to reach consensus with the pan-democrats and finalise the arrangements for the 2020 election of legislators, presumably by universal suffrage. In particular, he will have to find a solution over what to do with the functional constituency seats in a way that will address the concern of the central government and meet the objectives of universal suffrage.

Finally, he will most likely take on the unfinished task of legislating Article 23 of the Basic Law, which relates to treason and sedition, after Macau did so this year. He will have to exercise all his political skills to avoid anything similar to what happened in the last failed attempt in 2003.

Joseph Wong Wing-ping, formerly secretary for the civil service, is an honorary professor at the University of Hong Kong